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Almost eighty percent of all media in Hungary are under the control and in the service of Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz party. Until now, many of these more than 500 media outlets were financed by the state, the party, or business allies close to Fidesz. In April, long-time ruler Viktor Orbán suffered a crushing defeat at the ballot box. Now, the financial sources of the Fidesz media are drying up. Hungary’s media landscape is facing a massive upheaval.
Thousands danced into the early hours of the morning. After sixteen years in power, Viktor Orbán was voted out in April. The Tisza party, founded only two years ago and led by former long-time Fidesz member Péter Magyar, immediately secured a two-thirds majority. On election night, Péter Magyar delivered a speech in which he described the public-service media as “factories of lies” and a “propaganda machine.”
“One of our first measures will be to stop the news programs of the public-service broadcaster until we can ensure that objective and impartial journalism is practiced there again.”
Shortly afterwards, Magyar appeared in the studio of Kossuth Radio, the public-service mouthpiece of long-time ruler Viktor Orbán. And once again, Magyar lashed out:
“This is not personal revenge. But they insulted me here in every imaginable way. Morning, noon and night. My family, my friends. Hungary deserves public-service media that reflect reality.”
But the public-service media are only part of the problem. Over the last sixteen years, Viktor Orbán has brought around 500 additional media outlets under his control. Most of them belong to the KESMA foundation — short for Közép-Európai Sajtó és Média Alapítvány, or in English: Central European Press and Media Foundation. These 500 outlets largely spread Fidesz propaganda and many also spread fake news in the interest of the party. This also included relentlessly vilifying political opponents.
KESMA currently appears to be in a state of shock. The Hungarian media giant did not respond to our request for comment.
Since the election defeat, many of these Fidesz media outlets have changed their tone. This is also confirmed by Tamás Bodoky, editor-in-chief of the investigative news portal Átlátszó — meaning “Transparent.” For years, he uncovered corruption scandals involving the Orbán government. That made him one of the most feared figures within the Orbán administration. Now he is closely observing the changes in media coverage.
“Some of the Fidesz media have already changed their tone,” Bodoky says. “Public television is now suddenly also reporting on the opposition and on the new governing party Tisza. That has never happened in the last ten years in Hungary. Until now, they only reported on Fidesz and criticized the opposition.”
Media scholar Ágnes Urbán of Corvinus University in Budapest also observes changes in some pro-Fidesz media outlets. Critical voices against Orbán can now occasionally be heard or read there. But:
“Some continue their old-style Fidesz propaganda undeterred. I have the impression they still have not understood that Hungarian society rejects this propaganda.”
Tamás Bodoky nevertheless does not believe many of the Fidesz media outlets will survive.
“If the money from state sources dries up now, then many of these media outlets will hardly survive the next year,” he believes. Some could merge and practice serious journalism, others may be bought up. But surviving on the market with Fidesz propaganda — only very few are likely to manage that.
Fidesz-linked political analyst Zoltán Kiszelly from the Századvég think tank sees things very differently. Every week, he appears on a discussion program on public television and mostly spreads Fidesz narratives there. He believes Viktor Orbán’s media can survive.
“If financing is secured and viewers remain loyal, then the so-called pro-Fidesz media also have a future. When Viktor Orbán first lost the elections in 2002, he called for support for the pro-Fidesz media. I expect a similar step now.”
But for the moment, restructuring the public-service broadcaster is high on the Magyar government’s agenda. Media scholar Ágnes Urbán does not believe this can be done with kid gloves.
“I don’t think public-service broadcasting can be reformed with the same people. But it is possible to rewrite the media law. And those people who produced these one-sided propaganda programs must be replaced.”
The question remains what Viktor Orbán himself will do in the future. Just days after the election defeat, he announced he wanted to continue fighting:
“We will reorganize ourselves in the coming weeks. The work begins today. Forward, Hungary!”
At the same time, the new prime minister announced he would limit the term of office of the prime minister to two electoral periods. That would block Orbán’s path back to power.
Political analyst Zoltán Kiszelly nevertheless believes Viktor Orbán can return to power.
“Silvio Berlusconi was able to return in June 2001. Donald Trump was able to return in November 2024. Viktor Orbán is 62 years old. He still has a chance to come back.”
Whether Orbán will get another chance depends on how Péter Magyar’s government performs. If it succeeds in maintaining the support of the Hungarian people, then Viktor Orbán and his party may well become history — and most of the media outlets under his control as well.
